By Suzanne Brooks

One thing that is being missed here is that there is a need to address and include issues of women of color of this country in the campaign. This is still being resisted for reasons that are not clear. Women of color often times hear each other differently. It might be that addressing our concerns could be a way of persuading the Latinas who have not been won over to Obama's camp to consider Obama more favorably. At the same time, those still dissenting may have reasons not fully articulated because, so far, despite lots of support to Obama, women of color concerns have been dismissed, trivialized or ignored--or as with the 2 scarf-wearing Muslim women marginalized. It is not the right strategy to ask us to wait till later to be included. We've heard that for centuries.

Incidentally, the package I gave to Obama's sister in Watsonville, CA on June 19, 2008 included detailed and specific information relating to women of color, including high rates of suicide, the continuance of employment discrimination even when we have the most education and experience, the lowest pay of all US groups, the most underrepresented politically and more. I also asked questions and made suggestions relating to women of color, drawing substantial and loud applause from the audience. Yet, there is no mention of this in the LA Progressive article and probably not anywhere else.

In another effort to provide background which may lead to understanding, I researched several aspects of the issues referred to as concerns, etc. of women of color. The first, the issue of invisibility was addressed as an issue of Black men by Ralph Ellison in his 1952 novel, Invisible Man. It's importance is to provide insight into the devastating impact of marginalizing people to the extent of social invisibility--which for some reason irritates those who don't understand why the invisible ones object to this condition.

In Invisible Man, the protagonist is an unnamed African American man who considers himself socially invisible. His character may have been inspired by Ellison's own life; writing as a way to make himself visible to mainstream culture. Wikipedia

We rely, in this world, on the visual aspects of humanity as a means of learning who we are. A classic from the moment it first appeared in 1952, Invisible Man chronicles the travels of its narrator, a young, nameless black man, as he moves through the hellish levels of American intolerance and cultural blindness. Searching for a context in which to know himself, he exists in a very peculiar state.

"I am an invisible man," he says in his prologue.

"When they approach me they see only my surroundings, themselves, or figments of their imagination--indeed, everything and anything except me." But this is hard-won self-knowledge, earned over the course of many years. Amazon.com

That provides a context for the insistence that women of color be brought out of invisibility, as all people deserve to be. Although one might hardly guess it, there are many women of color and some others who are working hard to address these concerns. They are contributing outstanding research and writings, which like women of color, are mostly overlooked at best. Below is some current work which should have sparked widespread attention at least to the legitimacy of the concerns of women of color being articulated instead of this endless need to dig up the information and show it off again and again. But it is clear that the need to do this remains strong, even for women of color ourselves. As Harriet Tubman once said, she could have freed more slaves if they had known they were slaves. This effort will continue until women of color achieve justice and equality. Women of color are not the only "group" experiencing invisibility, as is demonstrated too. Nor are women of color the only ones writing about this. Excerpts from a creditable article analyzing critical race and gender intersection theory when addressed by men of color, white men and white women is included. All of these readings should generate constructive discussion. I hope it also leads to a ground swell of support for the routine inclusion of women of color throughout the presidential campaign and in the administration which follows.

Suzanne Brooks

International Association for Women of Color Day

Older Women of Color: A Feminist Exploration of the Intersections of Personal, Familial and Community Life by Kate Conway-Turner page 115-130

Abstract

This paper examines the lives of older U.S. women of color who represent racial and ethnic heritages that have a history of unequal access to sources of economic and political power in this country. These women exemplify women with vastly different cultural traditions, but are similar in that they face discrimination as women of color. The combined impact of age, gender, and racial and ethnic background is neglected within our discussions of older women. This paper contributes to our understanding of older women of color by examining the personal, familial, and community aspects of the lives of older women of color. This exploration challenges feminist gerontologists to bring the discussion of this intersection to the center as we explore and seek to comprehend the reality of older women's lives. This scrutiny creates a space for the discussion of both the threats faced by women of color in their unique juncture as old, female, and of color as well as an illumination of the strengths manifested by these women. Further the need to embrace a feminist gerontological framework when practitioners work with these populations is addressed.

Negative Identity: A Feminist Analysis of the Social Invisibility of Older Lesbians by Elise M. Fullmer, Dena Shenk and Lynette J. Eastland page 131-148

Abstract

Older lesbians are invisible both within and outside of the lesbian community. Using a postmodern and lesbian feminist approach, in this article we identify a paradox in our society which defines lesbians in terms of their sexuality while older women are generally viewed as asexual. We suggest that this paradox contributes to the invisibility of older lesbians. Our focus is on the interactive nature of the relationship between personal and public constructions of lesbianism in the lives of older women. Finally, we discuss the potential impact of invisibility on self-identity, and using a feminist gerontological framework suggest implications for the empowerment of older lesbians.

Invisible or Pathologized? Racial Statistics and Violence Against Women of Color

Kathleen J. Ferraro Northern Arizona University, Arizona, USA, kathleen.ferraro@nau.edu

This article applies Tukufu Zuberi's (2001) analysis of racial statistics to the issue of violence against women of color. Data from several national surveys are discussed in terms of the potential for drawing needed attention and resources to women of color and the simultaneous danger of reinforcing stereotypes of pathological communities. I argue for the importance of history and social context as well as qualitative narratives, particularly with regard to rates of violence against African American and American Indian women. Brief narratives from two women are offered to demonstrate the complexities of women's lives that are invisible in statistical data.

Bailey, Alison, 1961-
Women of Color and Philosophy (review)
Hypatia - Volume 20, Number 1, Winter 2005, pp. 220-225

Indiana University Press

Alison Bailey - Women of Color and Philosophy (review) - Hypatia 20:1 Hypatia 20.1 (2005) 220-225 Women of Color and Philosophy. Edited by Naomi Zack. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers, 2000. In 1772, a London publisher agreed to issue the work of Phillis Wheatley, provided that John and Susanna Wheatley -- her owners/captors -- could demonstrate that the poetry was actually written by the twenty-year-old slave herself. Proof of her talents came on November 14, 1772, when John Wheatley secured and presented to the publisher a letter and an attestation, "To the Publick," signed by the governor of Massachusetts and sixteen of Boston's notable men. It stated: WE whose Names are under-written, do assure the World, that the POEMS specified in the following Page, were (as we verily believe) written by Phillis, a young Negro Girl, who was but a few Years since, brought an uncultivated Barbarian from Africa, and has ever since been, and now is, under the Disadvantage of serving as a Slave in a Family in this Town. She has been examined by some of the best Judges, and is thought qualified to write them. Wheatley's story marks the beginning of the struggle by women of color for scholarly recognition and visibility in the United States. Two centuries later there are scores of collections of poetry, fiction, and essays by and about women of color. But there has been no parallel effort to collect the works of contemporary, academically trained women of color in...

The following appeared in Volume 98, Number 2 (Spring, 1999) of APA Newsletters

Newsletter on Philosophy, Law, and the Black Experience

White Feminists Doing Critical Race Theory: Some Ethical and Political Considerations

Kim Hall, Appalachian State University

Once during a job interview I was asked what I thought about the ethics and politics of white people ‘doing’ Critical Race Theory. At the time, the mainstream media were focusing some very problematic attention on "white studies," and I was working on an anti-racist project about the meanings of whiteness as it informs and is informed by gender, class, sexuality, and culture.1 The interviewer, a white male, was particularly interested in how I, a white feminist, could justify doing critical race theory. Wasn’t I appropriating the work and struggles of men and women of color for my own professional gain? Wasn’t I doing the "same thing" as men who ‘do’ feminist theory, who appropriate the work and struggles of feminists for their own professional gain and at relatively little professional risk?

In his essay, "Male Feminism as Oxymoron," David Kahane describes a scenario with which feminists are all too familiar, namely, the fact that female students and faculty often eagerly welcome men’s interest and personal and professional involvement in feminism. (Kahane [1998], 214) It is certainly true that men who do feminism receive more support and encouragement than women who do feminism. Male philosophers who do feminism are much more likely to be perceived to be "thoughtful, good" men by their colleagues and students; however, female feminist philosophers are often perceived to be too aggressive and unfriendly by their colleagues and students. In addition, female feminist philosophers often have the experience of having their abilities to teach or understand "real" (i.e., canonical) philosophy questioned. (Kahane, 1998, 224)

... Indeed, I continue to question what it means for me and other white people to work in Critical Race Theory. To the extent that white people are working in Critical Race Theory in a context of white supremacy and patriarchy, it is crucial for us to maintain a critical, self-reflexive relation to our work. White people who do critical race theory ought to always ask themselves, "To what extent does our work contribute to or hinder ‘the empowerment of oppressed people’?" (Alcoff [1995], 251) Minimally, this means that white people working in critical race theory must acknowledge the foundational work on race and racism by men and women of color.

In this essay I am particularly concerned with some of the ethical and political issues for white feminists who work in Critical Race Theory. My thoughts about this issue are motivated by my experiences in situations in which some white feminists have remained silent while men of color and white men talk about race as if it were separate from gender, class, and sexuality. White feminists who choose to critique white men and men of color when they ignore gender, class, and sexuality in their discussions of race are often criticized for changing the subject or accused of being racist. However, when race is separated from gender in philosophical discussions of race, the experiences of women of color and the work of feminists of color that theorizes the interrelatedness of gender, race, class, and sexuality are ignored and erased. As Elizabeth Higginbotham notes, "...in a society where racial demarcation is endemic to their socio-cultural fabric and heritage—to their laws and economy, to their institutionalized structures and discourses, and to their epistemologies and everyday customs—gender identity is inextricably linked to and even determined by racial identity." (Higginbotham [1996], 6) My purpose in this essay is not to single out particular theorists for critique. Instead, I wish to discuss some troubling trends in philosophical discussions of race in order to facilitate further reflection about the ways in which these discussions can be more inclusive and contribute to the elimination of both racism and sexism.

...Many feminists of color have written about their desire to know how white scholars have become interested in Critical Race Theory. In a social, political, historical and discursive context in which white supremacy and patriarchy are linked, the voices of white men are considered the most authoritative voices, and philosophical interest in critical race theory certainly seems to have become more prevalent since some white male philosophers have begun to write and speak about race. Sometimes the work of white critical race theorists deconstructs whiteness, and sometimes it analyzes the experiences, ideas, and political struggles of people of color. As Linda Alcoff notes, the problem is not the fact that white men and white women write and speak about people of color. Rather, the problem concerns the way in which white people write and speak about people of color. In other words, white critical race theorists need to consider the effects of their work to ensure that it does not reinforce existing race and gender hierarchies. (Alcoff [1995], 250) One aspect of the power and privilege of white people in white supremacy is the power to name and define the identities and realities of people of color and for their accounts to be perceived as authoritative. As white philosophers who choose to work in Critical Race Theory, we take responsibility for this aspect of white privilege when we speak out against the marginalization and invisibility of men and women of color in the profession of philosophy, in philosophy classrooms, and in philosophical discussions of race and racism.

It is troubling that in the philosophical race to do Critical Race Theory the work of a few, token men of color is the work that seems to receive the most attention when the work of people of color is mentioned at all. I am not suggesting that the work of men of color is not important or useful or that white men should not do critical race theory. Rather, I am concerned about the ways in which this work is given more legitimacy and authority than the work of feminists of color.

If critical race theorists and feminist theorists seek to make possible the empowerment of oppressed people, we have a responsibility to acknowledge and integrate the many insights offered by women of color in Critical Race Feminism, and this means acknowledging the connections between Critical Race Theory and feminist theory. When white feminists remain silent while men of color and white men discuss race in ways that ignore gender and feminist insights, they are complicit in the erasure of women of color.

.... many white feminist race traitors3 appear reluctant to challenge men of color when they ignore gender in their analyses of race. For example, in a recent editorial, bell hooks questions the frequent passivity and silence of (often white) progressive people in the face of the sexism of black men.... At the same time, white feminists who criticize the sexism of men of color risk perpetuating the racist assumption that men of color are more sexist than white men. ....Thus, we white feminists must consider the extent to which our silences are informed by a sense of solidarity with men of color and an informed wariness of being overly critical of men of color in a context of white supremacy.

The hesitancy of many white feminists to criticize men of color often reflects a conscious desire to resist white privilege and an awareness that one aspect of white privilege is the freedom to choose whether or not one wants to listen to and take seriously the critiques of white supremacy by people of color. Indeed, white ignorance of the experiences and work of people of color is one of the many ways in which white people are able to remain comfortably complicit with white supremacy. In the context of academic philosophy, white privilege has enabled white philosophers (male and female) to "freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms." (McIntosh [1997], 295) For example, white privilege has enabled many white (mostly male) philosophers to dismiss multicultural and postcolonial work as marginal to the concerns of ‘real’ philosophy. White feminist race traitors are aware of the extent to which both critical race theory and feminist theory are blamed for polluting the discipline of philosophy. Consequently, white feminists often feel solidarity with men of color who are critiquing racism and understand the importance of their work for anti-racist feminist theorizing.

... anti-racist white feminists are attempting to resist white supremacy by refusing to perpetuate associations of whiteness with authority, neutrality, and objectivity.

White feminist race traitors have attempted to use autobiography to refuse to allow readers or listeners to remain comfortably ignorant about structural inequalities that enable the work of white scholars to be seen as more authoritative. Lisa Heldke understands her attempt to make her whiteness visible as one of the ways in which she can be accountable to people of color. Heldke writes, "Traitorousness requires me to insist on my whiteness—to insist that I and others recognize my whiteness as always relevant, always a factor in the way I conceive the world and others; and to work to detect that factor in the places where it is presently most undetectable to me." (Heldke [1998], 93) ... The efforts of some white feminists to theorize whiteness are responses to criticisms of racist exclusions in feminist theorizing by women of color. (Moraga and Anzaldúa [1981])

....Any analysis of race that does not address the complex connections between critical race theory and feminism contributes to the invisibility of women of color. I am not saying anything new here. Feminists of color have frequently stressed the need to understand the interrelatedness of race and gender.

For the most part, recent philosophical discussions of race have been dominated by white men and men of color. This does not mean that women of color and white women have remained silent. On the contrary, women of color and white women have made many contributions to this discussion. The problem is that the influential work that women of color, especially feminists of color, have done is often not the work that is referenced and seriously engaged on panels at professional meetings. ....What is troubling is the fact that the significant body of work by feminists of color is often ignored, even though this work has provided the ground for current developments in feminist and critical race theories.

When we white feminists fail to challenge the silences about gender in discussions of race between white men and men of color, we fail to be accountable to women of color whose experiences cannot be understood when race and gender are considered separately. .....critical race theorists and feminist philosophers will never achieve an accurate understanding of racism and sexism in the profession of philosophy as long as our discussions of these issues separate the status of women and the status of people of color, because this way of framing the discussion does not address the experiences of women of color in philosophy. In order to effectively resist both white supremacy and patriarchy, both critical race theorists and feminist theorists must consider the extent to which their theories of race and gender enable the empowerment of women of color.

Suzanne Brooks, Founder
Women of Color Day

At the Caribbean Book and Art Fair (CABA) on June 21, 2008, at the City of Miramar, Joan Cartwright spoke on the importance of the voices of women in jazz and blues whose music opened the doors for freedom for everyone.